DESCARGAR LA FUNDACION ANTONIO BUERO VALLEJO PDF

DESCARGAR LA FUNDACION ANTONIO BUERO VALLEJO PDF

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The Theatre of Antonio Buero Vallejo: Ideology, Politics and Censorship Monografias A. Censorship, both official and environmental, was fundadion principal point of contact between writer and regime. The decisions made by Buero Vallejo in his determination to write and stage committed drama in a repressive society are evaluated here.

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This book looks at his pragmatic employment of language and silence, both in his art and in his dealings with the censors and with other representatives of the hegemony and analyses how posibilismo both aided and limited him. Includes bibliographical references and index. Buero Vallejo, Antonio, —Criticism and interpretation. Buero Vallejo, Antonio, —Political and social views. Victor Dixon Trinity College, Dublin for their support, huero and encouragement in the completion of this book.

Lee un libro Un soñador para un pueblo (Teatro), Antonio Buero Vallejo – omertasil [PDF]

Thanks are also due to many other people who helped me. My thanks are also due to my colleagues at the National University of Ireland, Maynooth. I would also like to thank Ms Ellie Ferguson of Tamesis Books for her skilful guidance in the preparation of this book. Finally, a special word of gratitude is due to my family and friends for their generosity, understanding and unfailing encouragement. Parts of Chapters 1 and 8 appeared in different versions in Teatro: Essays on European Literature and History, ed.

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In his long career as a playwright, Buero published thirty original plays. Only three of these have never been performed. Despite his Republican allegiances, Buero Vallejo was the most commercially successful dramatist of the Franco era.

He was condemned by others, however, particularly as his success and reputation grew, for what was seen as his capitulation to the pressures of censorship and finally for coming to form a part of the Francoist Establishment, lending his prestige to the regime by accepting its honours.

Thus his dedication to social drama and his opposition to the regime were brought into question. Espasa-Calpe,II, —8. Further references to these volumes are given after quotations in the text. All of the dates given for the plays refer to the date of composition. The question of whether this made Bueros a pluma prostituida, as was suggested by some of his detractors, is addressed here. Buero was neither radical nor evasionist, and his rebellion, in so far as it existed, often appeared to be more a moral than a political one.

This study shows that, throughout his career, Buero used his theatre to defend fnudacion chosen stance against his many critics. Furthermore, it argues that the portraits of artists and intellectuals in his dramatic works are an attempt to justify and rationalize his desscargar position as the occasionally acceptable face of criticism: He is an important dramatist both for what he said and for what he failed to say about the society in which he lived and worked.

For Buero, the choice was always one of silence or protest, yet he was criticized for failing to speak out in support of others, for the limited nature of his dissent, and, paradoxically, for daring to say too much. The historical link between literature and ideology is evaluated, particularly with regard to the theatre, and the perceived threat posed by literature is identified. Language, that most innocent and spontaneous of common currencies, is in reality a terrain scarred, avllejo and divided by the cataclysms of political history, strewn with the relics of imperialist, nationalist, regionalist and class combat.

It is hardly surprising, therefore, that the regime legislated for silence also, by introducing measures to censor critical vaklejo and to eliminate the voice of dissent.

Censorship, of course, is the main point of contact between the writer and the dominant societal ideology. Buero defined it as: Verso,pp.

Todo ello la define como un arma contra la libertad del hombre. His achievement was to manipulate language in order to create a counter-mythology that directly contradicted that of the administration.

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This book thus explores the ambiguity of his position as one who would be at once critical vallejo and acceptable to the regime. Nonetheless, the question then arises whether Buero was limited by his own values and beliefs and by the parameters laid down by the regime, which he usually accepted.

In his dramatic works, Buero defined the role of the artist budro both a moral and a political one; this book compares his words with his actions. In addition, it asks whether writers such as Buero Vallejo were engaged in a type of self-induced bewilderment or self-deception, by their determination to believe that they were really challenging the regime to the best of their ability by remaining in Spain.

This raises the question of why he was not censored more. After all, many of his contemporaries and later dramatists, who were not as clearly identified with Republicanism as Buero was, were more heavily censored.

Plaza y Janes,p. Anthropos-Ministerio de Cultura,pp. Oxford University Press,p. Fundacuon transition period is examined as a time of ideological crisis, and the dismantling of the elements that had previously supported the dominant ideology is reviewed. It was a period when old myths were deliberately forgotten and new ones created. Buero wrote some of his most important political work in the post-Franco period and took a moralistic stance on accountability and remembering.

However, these works display a disillusionment and pessimism not in evidence in his earlier dramas.

In his depictions of past and present, Buero once again raised questions of a pluma prostituida and the contradictory nature of his relationship both to the Francoist ideology and to modern democratic Spain.

It was more than simple illusion or false consciousness, and it did not merely falsify reality to reflect the values of the dominant group. It was more than symbol and myth; it contained lived elements in the discourse between politics and society. It fundcion comprised both truth and myth. The presence of myth was the inevitable descargsr of manipulating particular, often commonly held, values in an attempt to legitimate or rationalize certain self-serving political actions; the truth it contained was the reason many gave their consent to the preservation of the status quo.

The essential distortion of the Francoist ideology was that it claimed to reflect, rather than dictate, societal values. The regime did not merely impose unwanted cundacion by force, as this would have vallejoo to greater resistance; rather it encompassed certain societal values, for example those of Roman Catholicism, in a larger, ruling descargzr, often falsifying them to suit its needs in the process.

It also traded on populist views of national identity. Under Franco, the dominant ideology contained elements of many alternative and residual practices, such as monarchism, fundaciion and fascism. By amalgamating the Falange and other factions into the Movimiento, Franco not only reduced the power of each individual faction, but could also claim to reflect the values and identities of many differing groups in Spanish society.

It thus constitutes a sense of reality for most people in the society, a sense of antoonio because experienced reality beyond which it is very difficult for most members of the society to move, in most areas of their lives. It has continually to be renewed, recreated, defended, and modified. It is also continually resisted, limited, altered, challenged by pressures not at all its own. In his essay on ideology and the state, Althusser stressed the crucial role of state institutions in the maintenance of a dominant ideology.

Through these state institutions the populace is taught know-how compatible with the ruling ideology. The different social groups or classes were educated to ls contented with their positions in the order of society and not to question their subjugation to the dominant ideology. In order for the ideology of the ruling class to take hold, it is thus necessary for the state institutions to become infused with it.

Althusser divided these institutions into the repressive state apparatuses, such as the army, and the ideological state apparatuses, such as the media, culture, the education system and the Church. While the former are primarily concerned with the use of force, xescargar and threats in their support of the dominant ideology, the latter collude with the controlling group in the dissemination of the ruling ideology and the instruction of the masses of their descsrgar within it.

The state apparatus, which functions as a repressive force antonlo society, incorporates the government, the judiciary, the prison services, the police and the army.

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In Francoist Spain, the Civil Guard and the armed police were both under military control and were used to repel external sources of threat, whether real or mythical, and also to maintain order bueor society by warding off internal sources of threat. Throughout his dictatorship, Franco employed these repressive forces to back up the dominant ideology and to quash any perceived threat, such as that posed by the miners and students in the late s and the s.

In order to succeed, it is clear that those in possession of state power must also control the state apparatuses. If they do not, they are unlikely to retain hegemony antomio long. During the Second Republic in Spain, the rulers did not always control the state apparatuses, and thus did not have a firm grip on the power they were democratically elected to wield. When the Nationalists took control after the Civil War, they purged all of the state agencies of any opposition, thus ensuring the conservation of biero state power that they had seized.

The control of the repressive state apparatuses, while necessary, was not sufficient to ensure the subjection buuero the populace to the new social order: The Franco regime was fortunate to have the co-operation of the Roman Catholic Church, which had seen its role diminished in Republican Spain.

The ideology of the Roman Catholic Church coincided with the Francoist ideology in many respects, and both the Church and the regime took full advantage of this fact.

NLB,pp. By justifying the distribution of economic and political power, they allow the ruling group to maintain its dominant position, and they also aid in coercion and eliciting consent. They help the governing elite to define the desargar within which individuals may exercise free will. Recognizing this, the nascent regime quickly set about securing the control, or the collaboration, of the ideological apparatuses. The outlawing of political parties and dscargar trade unions meant that, in addition, the only ideology that could be legally communicated was the ruling one.

The ruling group recognized that it had to command both the repressive and the ideological state apparatuses in order to control both the public and the private domains. The army, the police and the courts, while primarily repressive forces, were also infused with the dominant ideology, which they defended by force in the public domain.

The Church, the schools, the qntonio and the ballejo operate in the private sphere and, although primarily ideological, also used sanctions such as excommunication, expulsion and censorship.

La Fundacion – Antonio Buero Vallejo

All were united by, and under, the ruling ideology. Once the ruling elite controlled both the public and private domains, it could define the role of the individual within each and quell any attempt at self-definition or self-determination.

The co-operation of the ideological apparatuses ensured that even the private realm was permeated with a politically driven ideology. Inthe Fuero del trabajo abolished normal trade unions and the right to strike in the name of the integrity of the Patria. Article 12 of the Fuero, in keeping with the ruling ideology, gave the impression of free will, which was nevertheless contradicted by the presence of censorship and other repressive legislation.

It was included in the preamble to the Fuero del trabajo. Planeta,p. Finally, article 36 was a reminder that the freedoms laid down in the Fuero would be defended and upheld by the repressive state apparatuses. The regime also recognized early on the need to legislate for censorship in order to influence how the ideology was propagated, by stipulating what could be printed or viewed in schools, in the press, in literature, in cinemas and in theatres.

The regime claimed that the state was subordinate to, and reflective of, society, while in fact the opposite was true. It is a myth examined by Antonio Buero Vallejo in his theatre. He looked at the ideology of dominant groups and what they offer to those they seek to subjugate, their mythology and also the sanctions and threats they employ to uphold their dominant position.